Image of reconciliation for Myanmar
The Japan Times: Dec. 15, 2001
By NYUNT SHWE
With the confidence-building period between Myanmar's military regime and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi (Daw Suu) now past the one-year mark, most dissidents have grown more suspicious of the military regime as the country's economy deteriorates and the cost of living rises.
No more than 182 imprisoned politicians and activists have been freed and only a few party offices of the National League for Democracy (closed by coercion and arrests) have received permission to reopen. Only 22 of 40 such offices have reopened in the Yangon division.
Earlier this month, United Nations human rights envoy Paulo Sergio Pinheiro released a report that cataloged "the unnecessary,discriminatory and stringent restrictions" placed on NLD offices. NLD put up with those limitations to show their determination and willingness for reconciliation. The regime should show a similar determination, if it really seeks national reconciliation.At the present release rate, the regime will need seven to eight years to free all of the remaining 1,500 political prisoners. The NLD says the pace is too slow and is worried about the lack of progress in talks, which are said to be still in a "confidence building stage."
It should be pointed out that the military regime's assault strategy of the past 13 years is nothing new. A similar strategy failed once before -- during Gen. Ne Win's caretaker government of 1958-60.At that time, there were two major parties, Stable AFPFL and Clean AFPFL, which had splintered from the original Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League and others.
A number of leading soldiers sided with the Stable AFPFL, but the Clean AFPFL still won a landslide victory in the Feb. 1960 election. The words of former elected Premier U Nu illustrate how badly the army acted during that period: "In some localities, the authorities call up local leaders of the Clean AFPFL and ask them to switch over to the Stable AFPFL. If they comply because of fear, that's the end of the matter. But if the request is refused, they are asked to leave the Clean AFPFL and to remain neutral and inactive. If that request is not complied with, the leaders concerned are arrested and detained after a time on some pretext or other . . . In some places, the Clean AFPFL leaders are taken out of their homes and then ruthlessly shot."
A strategy of crushing the democratic forces since the military takeover in 1988 was extensively applied until a year ago. Although the regime did not shoot politicians, it imprisoned them and, by denying appropriate medical assistance when they were ill, sent them to early graves. Many NLD members, including elected members of Parliament, have left the league through coercion and bribes.
Political prisoners in Myanmar are treated like common criminals subject to various kinds of torture. The prison system does not provide adequate medical care under military rule. Diseases, such as HIV, spread easily. International societies such as the Japan Red Cross could help alleviate these problems, but the regime so far has seemed reluctant to show such goodwill and humanity.
The people of Myanmar should revisit the ideas of U Nu. He advocated passive resistance against the suppressive tactics of Gen.Ne Win's government. U Nu said the nonviolent struggle for democracy involved meeting "anger and hostility with love and amicability on our side" -- the "course of conduct approved by the Buddha." He suggested that people participate in mass meetings, processions and prayer groups. The people should engage in nothing whatsoever politically. Instead,they should pray for reconciliation and peace in support of the present talks, sending their loving kindness toward the regime without expecting selfish gain. The Buddha taught us to live without hate among those who hate.
United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan has welcomed the release of political prisoners, but has stressed that the releases must continue and that much more needs to be done to make the process of reconciliation irreversible. His lieutenant, Pinheiro, noted that top NLD officials are subject to systematic surveillance by police and military intelligence personnel, with their contacts and communications closely monitored.
At a recent meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, senior Gen. Than Shwe, Myanmar's premier, told Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi that the future of Daw Suu would be decided democratically by the people and that the government has no intention of meddling in the affair. Regarding the secret talks with Daw Suu, the chief of military intelligence, who is also first secretary of state, was quoted as saying during a visit to Thailand in early September that there may be good news soon.
As a token of gratitude and friendship, the regime needs to show its goodwill and amicable spirit toward Japan, the only member of the Group of Eight industrialized nations that gives economic aid to Myanmar.
Amid the talks is the latent image of desired reconciliation. It will require the virtue of the Myanmar people, the military regime and democratic forces to swiftly and securely grasp the golden opportunity for national reconciliation. I hope the regime will demonstrate its genuine will and Buddhist spirit to its brethren and the rest of the world.
Nyunt Shwe is a freelance reporter in Tokyo.