Eighteen months have passed since the news of "Secret Talks" in Rangoon between the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) was announced by UN Special Envoy Mr. Razali in October 2000. Many observers now like to think that the military government in Burma prefers to buy the time rather than to find a genuine solution to the country’s complex political problems.
Recent (surprised) discovery of an aborted coup led by ex-dictator General Ne Win's family is an additional reason for the generals to delay the dialogue process. And then, the military junta postponed the UN special envoy’s scheduled trip to Rangoon on 18th March.
"We are waiting for him to discuss some important agendas. He needs to come here to continue his duty", the NLD spokesman U Lwin told Democratic Voice of Burma. "He is the only person who has mandate from the UN Secretary General for the national reconciliation. So, his trip is important than Mr. Pinhero's (UN human rights envoy) trip".
The disappointment comes not only from the country’s opposition politicians but also from the international community. The United States government and the United Nations have recently issued official warnings to the junta to reschedule Razali's visit as soon as possible. Later, the regime's Foreign Minister promised that Razali could return to Rangoon on 22nd April.
The question now is that what Razali could do for this politically stormed country during his 3-years term? The answer is not clear. During his 6th trip to Burma in last December, Razali announced that Burma would see significant political progress in the year 2002. But until now, there is nothing particularly changed towards restoration of democracy and human rights in the country. Except that some 250 political prisoners including elected Members of Parliament were released from jails in the last 18 months. Some of the NLD offices have been allowed to reopen.
But more than 1,300 political prisoners including 600 from the NLD alone remain in jail while the opposition activists cannot move freely and cannot organize the activities freely. Moreover, the ethnic political parties are still banned from reorganizing their parties. "Many of ethnic leaders including U Aye Thar Aung (Secretary of Committee Representing People’s Parliament) remain in prison. We have no right to reopen offices or even to meet our party members in districts", said Khun Htun Oo, Chairman of Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD), which won second majority seats in the 1990 general elections.
"When Mr. Razali told me that he planned a guide map for Burma in the year 2002, I was optimistic that we could reach to a tripartite talk in this year. But now, this is not ---", the Shan leader lamented. Razali had also cancelled the plan that to meet all ethnic political parties including cease-fire armed groups and ethnic rebels who are based in Thai-Burma border.
Many politicians and activists in exile blame the military government for its dishonesty on the dialogue process. "This is just for 'show' to hoodwink the international community, to lift economic sanctions and for buying the time", pointed a former political prisoner who is now working for the Thailand-based Association of Assistant for Political Prisoners (AAPP). "In fact, why we need to thank the junta for releasing some political prisoners or for granting permission to reopen the NLD offices", he questioned. "In the first place itself, there is no need to arrest them and no need to shutdown the offices. But now, our friends in jails are being used by the military authorities as hostages".
While many are being released, some political activists continued to be arrested. A recent imprisonment sentence of seven years for the academic Dr. Htun Than is a very clear example. Moreover, 10 political prisoners in Taunggu jail were re-sentenced to 7-years extra for complaining against jail authority in last October. The junta also refused an appeal from a jailed Member of Parliament U Saw Nai Nai to reconsider his 21-years jail term.
Meanwhile, a Rangoon court decided that Aung San Oo, elder brother of Aung San Suu Kyi has the legal right to lawsuit for the half ownership of the disputed house where Suu Kyi is being detained, without permission from Home Ministry. Some observers noted that the regime continues to put pressure on Suu Kyi to leave the country. In this tricky situation, how UN’s Special Envoy Razali can help to see “significant progress” during his coming 7th trip to Burma?
One more question is left now that, ‘‘what is the alternative plan for the Burma opposition groups and the world community'', if the military regime decides to leave from the current UN-brokered political dialogue process? One wonders if there were any alternative plan!
Htet Aung Kyaw is a correspondent for Democratic Voice of Burma.