For just a moment there, it appeared Thailand might join the rest of the world community in demanding the Burmese military rulers end their violent oppression and work towards democracy and reconciliation. The Foreign Ministry even suggested a ``road map'' which would free the popular leader Aung San Suu Kyi from prison. Now, Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and ministers are back in step with Burma.
The reason for the amazing backtracking is yet another promise by Rangoon to consider steps to democracy, at some unstated point in the future, and apparently without the participation of Mrs Suu Kyi, her arrested party members or any other Burmese democrats. Thai authorities in the past week have dropped all mention of their own timorous peace plan. This, at least, called for the release of Mrs Suu Kyi and a commitment to a democratic regime. Thai ministers interpret a reorganisation of the same old junta members as somehow meaningful. Demands of two weeks ago that Burma take action against drug traffickers have been forgotten. And last week, Mr Thaksin and his top deputy said Thai authorities will take the side of Burma.
In the future, when the military dictatorship collapses, as they all do, Thailand will be singled out as a junta-friendly reason for the delay in democracy. This will affect the treatment of Thailand and Thais by the next Rangoon government. In the meantime, the current regime is surly and often hostile to Thailand.
It may be a globalised, interconnected and ever-smaller world, but Thai policy must serve Thais. If there is an argument that the Burma policy benefits Thailand and its citizens, it is not obvious. More to the point, neither the prime minister nor any of his cabinet and spokesmen have articulated such a benefit. Yet, according to Deputy Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh: ``China and Thailand are Burma's good allies.''
Gen Chavalit is infamous for his conversational clangers, but this statement amazed many. Allies, one wonders, in exactly what? Burma refuses to cooperate in the fight against Aids, and holds back information on its home-grown terrorists. It turns on, turns off and barters cross-border trade on a whim. Rangoon flicks off Thai diplomatic offers, and derides aid to poppy growing farmers. Last month, Gen Chavalit himself pondered publicly whether it might be necessary to use military force against Burma to combat drugs trafficking. The claim Bangkok and Rangoon are allies flies in the face of facts. Most of Thailand's best combat-ready military forces face Burma. The two countries may realise that being neighbours requires civilised conduct, but that is a long way from being allies.
If Thai policy towards the Rangoon dictators goes against regional and world opinion, and fails to serve the Thai public, what could be driving the Thaksin administration's Burma actions? Perhaps the government hopes to squeak through October and the Apec meetings it values so highly. This seems forlorn. Burma is not an Apec member, and this will deflect the inevitable criticism of Burma to the Thai hosts.
There seems no upside to the pro-Rangoon stance by the government. Prime Minister Thaksin owes the country a rational explanation. Otherwise, rumours will surely grow that ministers support the Burmese dictators for personal, business reasons. That will cause major damage to the reputation of Mr Thaksin and members of his government. Without a compelling reason to support the junta, the government should back off its current policy and join Thai public opinion and other world leaders. The correct stance is to demand access to Aung San Suu Kyi, the release of all Burmese political prisoners, and quick, measurable movements towards democracy in Burma.