Datuk Seri Syed Hamid Albar, the Foreign Minister, will be taking along an important checklist when he leaves for Burma next week.
He will be Asean’s special envoy dispatched to determine what exactly the Burmese authorities are doing to resolve the political and economic deterioration that affects millions of people. It is this ongoing crisis of governance that remains a millstone around Asean’s neck.
The weight of this responsibility is significant because Malaysia was the loudest voice in support of Burma’s Asean membership eight years ago. Asean’s efforts to protect Burma from international pressure merely emboldened the Myanmar Government, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), to diversify its violations and intensify its misrule. The last Asean Summit, however, confirmed Malaysia’s own position with regard to reforms in Burma.
Both the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister expressed in no uncertain terms that democracy must be realised there.
There has been much speculation over what Syed Hamid will do in Burma and what he will report after his trip. While sceptics may criticise the trip as a last-ditch venture to find "bullets" for Asean’s "guns" to defend the regime, many Burmese themselves hope that Malaysia will be a catalyst for genuine reforms in their country. After all, it was Malaysian diplomat Tan Sri Razali Ismail who brought forth the "secret talks" between democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the regime in 2000, and it was the Malaysian Parliament’s Myanmar Caucus that kick-started unprecedented regional pressure by legislators to deny Burma the Asean 2006 chair.
We should be very clear that this trip is a mission that must deliver results. It should not degenerate into a courtesy visit for the Burmese authorities to trot out their usual platitudes about "step-by- step" democratisation efforts when it is patently clear that they have been marching backwards.
Asean must not be willing to accept any more excuses and empty promises as the SPDC dusts off its so-called roadmap for democracy, which centres on a 12-year-old constitution-drafting process that has steadily lost legitimacy, credibility and representation.
The National Convention to draft a new constitution continues to exclude nine political parties representing 91 per cent of parliamentary seats. Anyone who speaks against it can be sentenced to 20 years’ jail. The number of elected Members of Parliament at the National Convention has been reduced to 15, or less than two per cent of the assembly.
This year alone, seven more elected MPs were detained, bringing the total of MPs currently in jail to 13. Khun Tun Oo, MP and chairman of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, was arrested in February and recently sentenced to 90 years in prison. In July, 60-year-old Muslim MP Kyaw Min (a.k.a. Mohammad Shamsul Anwarul Hoque) was jailed for 47 years. His wife and three children were sentenced to 17 years’ jail.
Leaders of various ethnic groups, including the Mon and Chin groups, have been rounded up and detained, along with activists from Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD). Many more remain in jail despite poor health or old age. Others continue to endure terrible conditions in prison despite having served their sentences. It is imperative that Syed Hamid strongly urges that these political prisoners, as well as Suu Kyi and her senior colleagues, are released without further delay.
The Burmese Government must be encouraged to set aside their fear of Suu Kyi’s enduring national popularity. As someone who commands deep respect and trust across Burma’s diverse society, her role as a conciliator should be valued, not vilified.
Suu Kyi herself has said that she is willing to co-operate with the authorities for the sake of genuine national reconciliation. Of course, such co-operation must hinge on principles of equality and openness.
Syed Hamid also needs to have a frank discussion on how the Burmese authorities can transform the current roadmap, which has degenerated into a political dead-end, into something that is genuinely inclusive and achieves meaningful reforms. Implementation of a sham process that tramples on human rights and the rule of law will only exacerbate the problems that Burma poses to this region.
Syed Hamid, like his father, is known for his strong sense of justice and fairness. I am sure he will add his voice to efforts to secure guarantees that aid agencies be allowed to deliver emergency relief directly to those who need it. He should be especially concerned about the revelation made in August by World Food Programme director James Morris that the authorities only allowed WFP to deliver a mere 430 tonnes of 5,500 tonnes of rice earmarked for mostly Muslim communities in North Arakan state.
The "to-do" list is indeed a long and significant one, but our Foreign Minister, with the support of other Asean countries, will be able to proactively engage the Burmese Government on key issues. The credibility of Malaysia and Asean, as well as the destiny of the people of Burma, is at stake.
We have confidence in Syed Hamid’s abilities and talents to transform what others may consider a "mission impossible" into a possibility of peace and democracy for the long-suffering people of Burma. Bon voyage.
Datuk Zaid Ibrahim is MP for Kota Baru and president of the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus, a multi-partisan regional network of legislators supporting democratisation in Burma.