A lot has been written on the recent visit of Myanmar’s dictator, Than Shwe, to India. During the course of his stay, India pledged Burma millions of dollars in assistance to build railways and roads, boost agriculture, build power transmission lines as well as extend co-operation in telecom. A memorandum of understanding was also signed to extend Indian assistance in repairing the Ananda temple in Bagan, an important tourist attraction in Burma.
Scholars have been extremely critical of the warm welcome extended by New Delhi to the dictator and the way India has engaged with his tyrant military regime. They have labeled India’s Burma policy as imprudent, futile and dangerous. There have been some though, who have viewed the move to be pragmatic. In my view, the strategy goes a bit further. Pragmatism is pursuing what is practical, sensible and convenient. New Delhi’s strategy is pragmatic not only from the point of India’s own national interest, but also from the point of addressing the systemic failures in Myanmar, promoting democracy and thereby strengthening regional stability.
When pro-democracy outfits in Burma were suppressed initially, India was among the first countries to openly condemn the move. However, over the years New Delhi has curtailed its denigration for various reasons. The underpinnings of this approach are multi-dimensional. As India faced a growing rebellion in its northeast, it reached out to Burma’s military leaders to help rein-in the insurgents who were based and trained across the border. This tactic reaped modest success. Policy pundits in New Delhi soon realised that Myanmar’s huge oil and gas resources could be exploited to fuel India’s economic growth.
Myanmar has proven reserves of about 2.5 trillion cubic meters of natural gas. Access to its resources will help augment India’s energy supplies. Both the countries are also working together to curb cross-border trafficking in narcotics. Further, New Delhi sees Burma to be a vital connecting link to the ASEAN region. There are other imperative geopolitical reasons as well. India’s earlier strategy of pushing for democracy in Burma had not only led to the estrangement of its neighbour from itself but had also facilitated China in gaining centre stage in Rangoon. To check China’s growing influence, India needs to build a dynamic partnership with Burma.
Vested national interests have shaped the foreign policy of almost all major states. History has seen despotic leaders like Idi Amin being supported by countries that claimed to be champions of democracy. But India’s approach towards Burma is dictated not merely by its own vested interests. Critics who accuse India of giving in to its pursuit of strategic advantages and failing to perform its role as the world’s largest democracy do not perceive the fact that international sanctions against tyrant regimes or their isolation has never worked. It only serves to further alienate the distressed country.
India’s policy of engagement with Burma is a step in the right direction. It should be encouraged and taken to a higher level that will help craft a novel paradigm in international relations to remedy rogue states. Just like opening up of trade and business solved many of the ills that were deep-rooted in India, sustained engagement and deepening of international business can help bettering governance in Burma.
The first ever elections in Burma in 20 years have been announced for later this year. New Delhi should seize this opportunity to help in conducting free and fair elections in Burma. As the most successful democracy in the region, India should use its clout to see to it that the elections are held in a democratic manner. This would do Burma good by improving its international image. India would do justice to its role as a responsible democratic power by engaging with the Junta rather than by bowing down to pressure from human rights and other international groups to boycott Burma.