Sitting across the table from me on a sweltering Rangoon summer day, sipping iced coffee and talking politics, Aung might appear to be like any other student in the West.
But at 23 years old, Aung, a soon-to-be university graduate, does not know how to use a computer or the Internet, cannot vote and must simultaneously support himself and his family on a salary of $5 USD a month, plus tips.
Further complicating matters is the fact that he lives under one of the last remaining military juntas in the world: The Union of Myanmar.
"Your country is free, my country is a solo-government," the fourth-year law student whispers across the table. "I like your country more."
He whispers because the government of Burma has marked as traitors any who criticize it. Should the wrong person overhear, he could be put in prison or made to "disappear."
He explains that university students in particular – normally the backbone of democratic movements – have been targeted by the government.
"They find a reason and they close (the universities) for a month. Then the students come back," he said.
The reasons, he said, are never legitimate, and such occurrences happen frequently to quell student activism.
"The government can come in here and say, 'Close everything down.' They control everything," he added.
Burma is a Southeast Asian nation with as turbulent a history as many of its neighbors.
Given the name Burma under British colonization in the 19th century, the country was led to freedom in 1948 by General Aung San, who has since become a national hero.
Burma maintained a democratic government for 14 years until a military-backed communist takeover occurred in 1962.
After massive democratic protests in 1988 and 1989, the socialist government agreed to change to a free market system and have an election, believing they would be victorious.
In 1989, the government also officially changed the name of the country from Burma to The Union of Myanmar, a change many authorities still refuse to recognize, resulting in its confusing double-name on most maps.
The ensuing election of 1990 was a landslide victory for the National League for Democracy, which was led by Aung San Suu Kyi, the charismatic daughter of General Aung San.
But the new military government, now known as the State Peace and Development Council, refused to recognize the victory for the National League of Democracy and proceeded to imprison, kill, and drive into exile many democratic leaders.
This May marks the 15-year anniversary of that ground-breaking and heart-breaking election.
Aung San Suu Kyi was placed under house arrest, where she remains today, still working toward developing a democratic Burma through peaceable means.
She became an international icon after winning the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 for her efforts.
"Everyone loves Aung San; he is independence father. If you ask anyone, 'You like Aung San Suu Kyi?' They will say, Yes, but ... ,'" Aung said hesitantly, leaning in and putting his finger to his mouth to illustrate that they must be quiet about it.
Many who become openly associated with the democratic movement in Burma are imprisoned or killed. Being politically active on a university campus in Burma is a risky proposition that exposes students who choose to voice their opinions to government backlash.
Aung knows several students who have received prison sentences for their political activism; some for two months and some for a year.
"Most were with the democratic movement," he said. "But it could be anyone."
If anything, the government is direct and forceful about its positions.
On street corners across Rangoon loom massive red signs titled, "The People's Desire." These signs outline four main points including: "Oppose foreign nations interfering in internal affairs of the state" and "Crush all internal and external destructive elements as the common enemy."
On my first day in Burma I decided to visit the University of Rangoon with the intention of meeting some university students and getting a feel for campus life.
As our taxi approached the main gates, half a dozen armed military personnel stopped us and spoke sternly in Burmese to the driver.
With a worried look on his face, he quickly turned the taxi around. "No foreigners," he muttered as we sped off.
Welcome to Myanmar
Aung did not seem surprised that we were told to leave the campus.
"The government does not like students. I don't like the government. All students don't like the government," he whispers, taking care to look inconspicuous in doing so.
He would like to go into law, but said that in Burma it is dangerous for a lawyer if they defend the wrong person.
"When rich people and poor people have a problem, the rich person wins. I want to help the poor person. But it is very difficult because I am poor," he said.
He works 10 hours a day, six days a week so he can earn enough to support himself, pay his university fees, and send money to his family.
He said that while he makes about $5 USD a month, most managers and three-star soldiers make about $30 USD. Government ministers, the highest paid workers in the country, make about $50 USD monthly.
Aung laughs at questions about finding scholarships to help with his education.
"No, no, no. That is in your country," he said.
Visiting Burma is like taking a trip to another era. Technology such as cars and electric lights are scarce and computers are almost nonexistent.
The majority of men still wear the traditional Longyi, similar to a kilt or a sarong, instead of pants.
And outside Rangoon, one of the primary modes of transportation, besides bicycle, is horse and carriage.
"Our government is very bad," said Wen, an elderly carriage driver, as he prodded the horse in front of us. "If they see that man and they don't like him, he go to jail. That is like when it was a colony. If they hear me say that, I can go to jail." Leaning in he whispers, "Top secret."
Wen said that conditions in Burma are so bad that many people who have graduated from universities are now carriage drivers like him.
"They study economics and do this now," he said.
Many people in Burma explained that the best paying jobs are with the government, but that upon receiving a degree the only way to get a government job is to have the right connections.
"If you have no family in government, you have to pay them for a job," Wen said.
Having lived through a failed democracy and Burmese-style socialism, as well as the present military junta, Wen is skeptical about the political future of Burma.
"I have friends who go to jail. I don't know why, and if I ask, they say 'Why you want to know? It's not your job,'" he said.
That right to know is limited, as are most rights because Burma has no judicial system. All legal and judicial issues are handled by a branch of the executive office of the ruling junta.
Unable to pronounce the word "hopeless," he spells it out. After finally finding the word, he tries his sentence again.
"The public is hopeless to change the government," he managed to say.
Most people in Burma have few ways to stay informed and educate themselves.
The nation's two daily papers are both directly controlled by the government, and all publications in Burma are closely censored by the Literary Works Scrutinizing Committee.
Web sites for major news agencies such as BBC and CNN are blocked, and it is widely said that the government reads all mail – electronic and postal – that enters or exits the country.
Smaller news Web sites, like that of the Daily Bruin, are not censored, though few people in Burma other than tourists and the elite can afford access to computers.
Reporters from Burma continue to be targets of the government, with over a dozen currently in jail and many more in exile.
International reporters working in Burma must be discrete in interviewing, covering their notebooks and doing whatever it takes to avoid bringing attention to their subjects.
When reporters publish unfavorable articles about the Burmese government, they are guaranteed to never be granted another Visa to the country again.
"Our government is very bad," said Nung, a business owner in northern Burma, driving home the same sentiment that seems to be on the minds of many.
Nung's eldest son will go to a university next year, something he has been hoping for since his son was born. He said getting an education will be his children's best chance to survive and hopes his son will one day take over his small business.
Though he is not rich by Burma's standards, he considers his family incredibly lucky.
"(The government) only cares about their families and the power. People are very poor, very poor. Little children with no money for food, for school, no money for clothes," he said, tears beginning to form in his eyes.
In Burma some children still starve to death.
"People want to demonstrate, but they are afraid of the guns and the bullets," Nung said.
Aung, too, is skeptical about what may come for his country and its people.
"I think democracy will come, but not for a long time, maybe in 20 years. I will be old man then," he said with a sigh.
Editor's note: Due to the fact that the government of Burma has threatened to imprison citizens who speak to reporters, the full names of quoted sources have been withheld for their protection.