Army commander Gen Somdhat Attanand will fly to Rangoon next week for talks with the ruling junta. Simply put, Gen Somdhat will test the latest round of promises by the Rangoon regime to help fight drug trafficking. He would be well advised to take those promises with a large dose of salt. Burma's list of promises on international cooperation stretch back more than 40 years. Neighbours and other members of the world community are still waiting for the promises to be honoured.
The state of Burma today is largely the result of broken promises. Ne Win launched a military coup that took over the country in 1962. He led _ if that is the word _ the country into the 1970s with vows to restore democracy, respect human rights, and end the drug trafficking that was helping to addict much of the world. Ne Win has died, the country remains under military rule, and it is widely reviled for running one of the worst torture chambers in the world.
A great example of why Burma could be called ``The Promise Land'' is the state of democratic negotiations _ or, rather, non-negotiations. Last May, the regime freed democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest. In succeeding months, it freed a small number of political prisoners. The generals promised to begin talks with the democrats to end military dictatorship. Total movement towards democracy since then: Exactly zero.
But nothing illustrates the vast chasm between promises and action in Burma like drugs. Since the early Ne Win promises to end drug trafficking, Burma has ``progressed'' from being a second-rate supplier of opium to its current status as host to the most prolific producer and biggest trafficking gang in the world. The so-called opium warlord of the 1970s, Lo Hsing-han, is an honoured citizen and major investor in the Burmese economy.
Far from keeping the promise to fight drug trafficking, Burma has engaged in continuous actions that have always ended up helping the dirty business. When the United States gave Burma military aid to fight drug gangs, Ne Win battled ethnic insurgents and left the Khun Sa drug cartel alone. Now, Khun Sa lives in Rangoon as another ally in the Burmese economy. The same goes for Sai Linn, another drug trafficker wanted internationally but protected by Rangoon in defiance of its own promises.
Every Thai now knows the history of the United Wa State Army. The former insurgent gang is referred to as ``blood brothers'' by Rangoon generals, especially Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, secretary one of the junta and chief go-between with the Thai government. The price of peace between the former rebels and Rangoon has been especially heavy for Thailand. Burma has blessed and condoned the major drug trafficking activities of the UWSA, which took over the old Khun Sa heroin trade and added a lucrative methamphetamine cartel which has bled and corrupted many in Thailand.
Based on the past 40 years, one can expect Gen Somdhat to be well received in Rangoon. He is likely to return to Bangkok, like many before him, with optimistic forecasts. The military dictators of Burma are likely to promise new and extended cooperation with the Thai government in a proposed new, invigorated push against drug traffickers. New lines of communications will likely be promised.
``Promise'', of course, will be the operative word. Events have reached a point where the Rangoon regime must begin to deliver. Indeed, there are signs the generals may act against the most flagrant drug trafficking. Such action must be seen to be believed. Taking Burma at its word is what has landed Thailand deep in a drug problem. Neighbours must actually help each other, and promises are empty until they are fulfilled.