Once again as we sadly commemorate Martyrs' day, the 19th of July, when the little girl of age two did not even know that she has lost her daddy, was now under house arrest in the very same house where her siblings and parents had lived happily. A house now shunned and dreaded by Burmese men in uniform, corporate people in business suits and the narco barons. Bogyoke (General in Burmese) Aung San and eight other national leaders of Burma's Independence movement were assassinated on July 19, 1947, less than six months before Burma gain independence, was and is highly respected by all the people of Burma. A rare specimen of the unifying factor is that, whether they be the cronies of the heinous Burmese Generals, or the broad based pro-democracy movement led by his daughter Daw Aung San Suu Kyi or fiercely independent ethnic nationalities under the umbrellas of ENSCC (Ethnic Nationalities Solidarity and Co -corporation Committee) are unanimous in paying homage to the fallen leaders.
If Panglong Conference (12th Feb 1947) is the first foundation stone ever laid for the Union of Burma then six months later this Martyrs Day was the mortar that binds the stones of national solidarity. Because, together with the father of independence the ethnic national leaders all made their supreme sacrifice for the new Burma. Mahn Ba Khaing (ministry of industry and labour) was a Karen but also represents the other ethnic races and tribal groups, so also Sao San Htun, Saopha of Mong Pawn (a Burmanized name for Saopha is Sawbwa) representing all the frontier areas, Abdul Razak (ministry of education and national planning) not only represent the Burmese Muslims but other faiths, were all killed while U Aung Zan Wai (ministry of social services) representing the Arakanese (Rakhine) including the Rohingyas survived together with U Kyaw Nyein (ministry of home affairs) who was in Yugoslavia and U Tin Htut was in London.
Deedok U Ba Choe (Nickname Deedok after the magazine he was editing) from the ministry of information represents the free press in Burma, Thakin Mya (ministry of agriculture) from Pyawbwe, who owned thousands acres of paddy field was the first person to introduce the idea that the land belongs to the people who cultivate it, could be considered as the first practicing Burmese socialist, U Ba Win is not only the brother of Bogyoke Aung San but also is a father of Dr. Sein Win now head of the provisional government in exile better known as the National Coalition Government of Burma, were all mercilessly cut down together with ICS U Ohn Maung and private Ko Htwe. What more conspicuous episode could demonstrate then this monstrous event that snuff out all the people representing our values and good triads by assassin's bullet.
All the precious aspects which we have yearn for, Democracy, Human Rights, Union Spirit, Self Determination, Freedom of Faith, Freedom of Exploitation, Freedom of Press were taken within minutes This disastrous event was the mechanization of none other than Ne Win and his Tatmadaw (Burmese army). Saya Dr Aung Khin in his book "Who Kill Aung San" has highlighted eight irrefutable points of the involvement of the British and the Burmese army (see Irrawaddy magazine Interactive edition). Even though at that time the British administration has changed from a Wartime cabinet of Winston Churchill to Clement Attlee, inking the Aung San- Attlee Agreement that paved the way for Burma's independence within one year, there were many diehard colonialists in Burma. These diehards of British administration now realized that Admiral Mount batten, Commander of the victorious forces of the World War II together with an array of shrewd and experienced officers, has been outfaced and out witted by Aung San. So obviously they gave arms to the assassins to get rid of Aung San and his national leaders. This involvement compels the ethnic nationality leaders; hitherto on the cross- roads throw their lot with the Burmese group in their quest for independence. In other words this 19th July Martyrs' Day sealed the fate of the Union of Burma. Or otherwise we would be just petty states in our own nook and corner of the world.
But as of today Burma is in shambles, on the verge of disintegration as Yugoslavia, now a pariah state shun by all civilized nations both friends and foe alike, the latest episode being bugging of the Indonesian embassy in Rangoon. This was all because of the successive Generals of the Tatmadaw. However, Martyrs' Day is still a major event on Burma's political calendar where it was commemorated amid tight security at the Martyrs' Mausoleum. Usually the dignitaries and families of the eight comrades assassinated along with Aung San laid wreaths in a solemn ceremony. A two-minute silence was held in honour of the nine men killed. But reports from Rangoon said there were few public activities and that previous practices, like flying flags at half mast or sounding car horns to mark the time of the killings, are less commonly observed nowadays. Some analysts say the younger generation of Burmese don't know as much about the country's route to independence and haven't been taught about General Aung San and his contribution. The Junta wants Aung San's legacy to be consigned to the history books, the annual ritual seemed only a reminder of the doleful history of the country. They paint that it has nothing to do with Aung San Suu Kyi - the daughter who has become the undisputed leader of the country's democracy movement, a woman who meets with Burma's military masters on equal terms and stakes a claim to her father's heritage. "I think you see his presence in the thought and expressions of Aung San Suu Kyi, and still sees her as carrying out his ideas about a peaceful and united Burma." " Said Josef Silverstein, a retired Burma specialist at Rutgers University in New Jersey. That is why the NLD under her able leadership urged a dialogue with the Junta to solve the nation's woes, saying the talks should be in line with "policies laid down by the martyrs" - a reference to Aung San and his fellow independence fighters who had visions of creating a democracy.
On Aug. 26, 1988. "I could not, as my father's daughter, remain indifferent to all that was going on," she declared. Defying a brutal military crackdown, she helped found a party, the National League for Democracy. The day after an abortive protest on Martyrs' Day in 1989, Daw Suu was placed under house arrest and since them has been off and on confined to her home. The massacre and the pre-meditated assassination at Depayin proved beyond doubt that there is every possibility that she can soon be martyred at the hands of the current generals who wield controls over the Tatmadaw.
To understand this scenario and how to react as a responsible person is for the Burmese people to decide. Even before Bogyoke was alive and signed the Aung San-Attlee Agreement, there were many Burmese who construe that there is no need to take the consensus of the ethnic nationality, as they are part of Burma. This chauvinistic Burmese groups comprised of U Saw's Myochit Party, Ba Sein's Dohbama Party, Dr Ba Maw's Mahabama Party, Thakin Tun Oak and of course Thakin Than Htun's Burma Communist Party. Hence even at that time there were two schools of thought one led by Bogyoke who wanted to have a secular state with the real Union and the other the Burma dominating Buddhist state. So on that fateful July 19th the former was wiped out by Ne Win and his Tatmadaw and together with U Nu they adopted the latter Myanmar chauvinistic policy up to this day.
Speculations were rife but logical hypothesis can be drawn that if Boyoke and his national leaders were alive there would be no Karen rebellion as Mahn Ba Khaing wield a considerable influence and could have pacify the Karen insurrection. Bogyoke, himself been the first secretary of the Burma Communist Party would be able to reconcile with his half brother Thakin Than Htun and the Communist with their think tank such as Goshal should have been an asset to the country. But most of all Bogyoke even though he was an independent fighter was an ardent admirer of Britain as many of his writings indicate, would have taken a Dominion or at least the Commonwealth status thus pacifying the ethnic nationalities. But one authenticated conclusion is that Ne Win and his tatmadaw are determined to wipe out any traces of Bogyoke's legacy and so when the surviving U Tin Htut became the first Burmese Foreign Minister he sent his tatmadaw men to kill him without a trace. The case was not solved up to this day. As for the widow of Bogyoke and his little daughter they exiled them to India with a nasty hope that one day she would marry a Kalar and be out of the country and Burmese history forever like her brother Aung San Oo.
But, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, true to her father's daughter belongs to the former group to set up a genuine secular Federal Union of Burma and that is why she got the support of the ethnic nationalities (SNLD, UNLD and so on). The scene is very vivid. On which school of thoughts are we? Shall we try the compromise conflict resolution approach with the chauvinist group or rather follow the lead of noble, Nobel Daw Suu?
The Junta using its much power and resources have infiltrated several Burmese Diaspora groups and many have switch sides individually as well as by groups. First they supported the illegal national convention, after that they try to loosen the sanctions with the aim of cutting a deal with the Generals that will leave tatmadaw a lion's share in deciding the future of our beloved country and people. NLD has openly supported the punitive actions as Daw Suu's has declared, "Use your freedom and every means to promote democracy in Burma" and yet some of us are shunning sanctions under different guise. No doubt sanctions hurt both the people and the ruling regime. But our aim is long term to free the people of Burma from the shackles of the hated Junta and as such the military only understands the punitive actions like any brute. It is on this theory that those who do not support sanctions are not the supporters of Daw Suu or Bogyoke Aung San's approach of national solidarity and secular state. Instead they clearly toe the chauvinistic line.
Traversing throughout the world I've come across several people in Diaspora both Myanmar and non-Myanmar who are desirous to do some thing good for Burma but how do they decipher their actions? I like to recall what Charles de Gaulle said "Patriotism is when love of your own people comes first; nationalism, when hate for people other than your own comes first." In which category are we? Are we going to be patriot or nationalist?
History will be our judge and to our Burmese compatriots let me say that in the study of our country's history is that
For the past we are just an audience
For the present we are already actors
For the future we will be directors
What kind of directors are we going to be? Let us reflect in this Martyr's day.
(This Feature Article is dedicated to my old teachers Bo Hmu Ba Shin of Historical Commission and Bo Hmu Gyi Soe Tin of NHB, may their souls rest in peace)