This week, on Tuesday, marked the 62nd birthday of the pro-democracy leader and Nobel Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, a woman who has spent much of the past two decades either imprisoned or living under house arrest at the command of one of the most repressive regimes in the world.
She has spent a total of 11 years and 238 days in detention.
She lives in isolation in a peeling lakeside villa in Rangoon's University Avenue, and visits to her are controlled.
Her telephone line has been cut and her post is routinely intercepted. Her period of detention began on May 30 2003 when a convoy she was travelling in was attacked by a militia backed by the regime. Although she escaped the attack, she was later imprisoned by the authorities. About 100 of her supporters were reportedly killed.
On Tuesday, her birthday was marked by readings and performances of The Lady of Burma - a play about Suu Kyi by Richard Shannon - in seven countries.
Why is Suu Kyi so loved by the Burmese people and so hated by the regime?
More than a just democracy activist, "The Lady", as she is widely known, embodies the struggle of the Burmese people in the face of adversity. Her father, Gen Aung San, negotiated Burma's independence from Britain in 1945 before being assassinated by rivals.
In 1988, a month after up to 3 000 democracy activists were massacred by the government, Suu Kyi established the National League for Democracy (NLD). In 1990, the regime called a general election. The party won convincingly, securing 392 of 485 seats, but the authorities ignored the result and refused to hand over power.
That year, she was awarded the Sakharov Prize and, in 1991, the Nobel Peace Prize. The award was collected by her two sons, Alexander and Kim, in her absence.
The regime has routinely fabricated a range of charges against her. It even accused Oxford-educated Suu Kyi of illegally avoiding paying tax when she spent the $1.3 million (R9.2 million) award money from the Nobel prize to establish a health and education fund.
What has Suu Kyi's life in detention been like? Her life in and out of jail and at No 54 University Avenue as well as her decision to continue fighting for democracy - the regime had previously offered to release her if she would leave the country - has carried a huge personal price. Her husband, Michael Aris, an Oxford professor, was diagnosed with prostate cancer in 1997 and was refused a visa for Burma. Suu Kyi was faced with an agonising decision: leave Burma, knowing that she would never be allowed back in; or not leave Burma and leave her sick husband without her.
She chose to stay in Burma, and Aris died in March 1999. Their two sons live in the UK. She said at the time of his death: "I feel so fortunate to have had such a wonderful husband who has always given me the understanding I needed; nothing can take that away from me."
Last month, the Burmese regime - the State Peace and Development Council - led by Gen Than Shwe, announced that Suu Kyi's period of detention, due to expire at the end of May, had been extended. At that time, the United Nations Working Group said it believed her detention was in breach of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights.
How has the regime survived in the face of the democracy movement? Brutality, secrecy - and the failure of most countries to stop investing in and trading with Burma. Despite calls from Suu Kyi and the NLD for countries to impose sanctions, only the United States has imposed a blanket ban on investment. The European Union has imposed much more limited targeted sanctions, which campaigners say are ineffective.
Violence and secrecy also shore up the regime. In November 2005, the government almost overnight moved its capital from Rangoon, or Yangon, to a new specially created city called Naypyidaw, hundreds of kilometres away in the jungle. Campaigners believe this was done to locate the military closer to the Shan, Chin and Karen communities, against which the regime is accused of repression. What can be done to influence the regime?
Campaigners say the key to changing Burma lies with regional powers India, China and Russia - all of which have considerable financial and trade links with the regime, offer political support and supply it with weapons.
In January, China and Russia - together with South Africa - were condemned for vetoing a UN Security Council resolution requiring the restoration of democracy to Burma. India has been widely condemned for supporting the regime, in particular for its involvement in the massive Shwe gas project, which includes a pipeline to India. Campaigners say the project will be the regime's largest single source of revenue, providing it with an average of $580 million (R4 billion) a year for 20 years, a total of $12 billion (R85 billion).
Will Suu Kyi still be under detention on her next birthday?
The Burmese regime shows no signs of faltering.
India's policy on Burma, say campaigners, does not help: it is dictated not by human rights, but by India's economic interests. India hopes to counter the increasing Chinese influence in Burma, and wants co-operation from the regime to tackle insurgents in the north-east.
"The world's largest democracy has abandoned Burma's democrats," said Zoya Phan, campaign co-ordinator at the Burma Campaign UK. "India should be ashamed of what it has done, supplying money and weapons to one of the world's most brutal regimes."
The Secretary-General of the Association of South-East Asian Nations said that sanctions against Burma would have little impact because China and India would continue to support it.
At the same time, Suu Kyi appears no more willing to give up her struggle for democracy, although questions are repeatedly asked about her health. (She suffers from high blood-pressure and is only permitted to receive visits from doctors once every two months.)
What is Suu Kyi's message to the world?
In a speech smuggled out of Burma in 1997, she wrote: "The cause of liberty and justice finds sympathetic responses in far reaches of the globe. Thinking and feeling people everywhere, regardless of colour or creed, understand the deeply-rooted human need for a meaningful existence . . . Those fortunate enough to live in societies where they are entitled to full political rights can reach out to help the less fortunate in other parts of our troubled planet. Young women and young men setting forth to leave their mark on the world might wish to cast their eyes beyond their own frontiers to the shadowlands of lost rights . . . Please use your liberty to promote ours."
So will Burma eventually yield to the pressure for democracy?
There is strong worldwide pressure for change, with the UN, the US and Europe all pressing for action. Suu Kyi has considerable influence at grass-roots level, her defiance is a problem that the authorities cannot shake off. The regime has pushed itself into a corner. Other examples of such isolationism suggest that it is ultimately unsustainable.
However, the financial and political support provided by China and India underpins the Burmese regime. The NLD has few domestic options and is dependent on international support. The Burma question fails to lodge in the wider consciousness and rarely comes up in international discussions.